General Election 2006 - results

By now everyone will be aware of the election results, so there is no point listing them down in detail here. They are available on CNA's website as well as in the mainstream media. It is clear that there has been a large downturn in support for the PAP. All the PAP incumbents were returned with reduced majorities. This includes PM Lee Hsien Loong, who was returned with only 66% in his constituency of Ang Mo Kio, against a team comprising entirely of first-timers from the WP. In contrast, the Opposition incumbents have been returned with increased majorities. I have a few points to make with regards to this.

1. THE RISE OF THE WORKERS' PARTY

The WP has undergone a major transition. In the 2001 Elections, they fielded only 2 candidates thanks to their team getting disqualified over some technical points in Aljunied. Since then, they have managed to recruit credible, charismatic and public-spirited candidates, in particular their new chairman, Sylvia Lim. Hougang MP Low Thia Khiang has also emerged as the leader of the Opposition. Instead of merely focusing on retaining his own seat, Low took the fight to the PAP, leading his charges into battle. Low's personal charisma, in particular his fearlessness, backed by a sound track record as MP for the past 15 years, has endeared him to many voters.

Throughout the election campaign, the WP has focused almost single-mindedly on policy issues such as the cost of living, healthcare, education and public transport. There has been a sharp departure from the themes that dominated J.B. Jeyaretnam's tenure as party leader - freedom of speech, civil liberties, abuses of the electoral process etc were only sporadically touched on.
There is little doubt that the WP has managed to convince voters of their credibility, and that the other opposition parties have benefitted from this. With Low being returned with an increase majority, and Sylvia Lim likely to take up the Non-Constituency MP appointment, the WP will have the opportunity to increase its profile even further in the lead-up to the next election.

2. OUTRAGE AT THE PAP'S STRONG-ARM TACTICS

Before the elections started, Lee Kuan Yew and Lee Hsien Loong commenced legal action against the SDP's central executive committee, the SDP itself, and the printer of the SDP's newsletter. This probably served to generate sympathy for the SDP and the opposition in general. Most Singaporeans do not support the SDP's extreme liberal political leanings, but this no doubt would have served to give the impression that the PAP is ruthless and uncompassionate.

Then, there was the James Gomez issue that surely divided public opinion. The average man on the street would have been swayed by the PAP's relentless character assassination - "integrity", "character" and "liar" are words which conjure strong emotive reactions, and the PAP's liberal application of these words, coupled with the PAP's reputation as an infallible bastion of morality, definitely served to discredit the WP. However, to the intelligentsia, this tactic would have backfired. It is clear that Wong Kan Seng's 11-page statements drew many tenuous connections aimed at discrediting both Gomez and the WP with evidence that was at best vague, and at worst non-existent. They would have viewed the PAP's tactics with derision, and noted that the ruling party reneged on its pre-election promise to concentrate on policy issues. In addition, the uneducated, low-income voters would have also frowned upon the PAP's obsessive stance on this issue. They would be wondering why the Government was kicking up such a huge fuss over a form.

3. REJECTION OF PORK-BARREL POLITICS

The PAP's offers to lavish $180 million on the Opposition-held wards of Potong Pasir and Hougang backfired spectacularly. The voters saw this suggestion that their support could be 'bought over' as an affront to their pride and dignity. The residents of Hougang, in particular, emphatically rejected the PAP at the polls. Lee Hsien Loong may have also shot himself in the foot with his mention that he would have to spend more time thinking about how he could "buy his supporters votes" if there were more Opposition MPs in Parliament.

It is also worthy of note that Goh Chok Tong's support of the PAP candidates Sitoh Yih Pin and Eric Low served to cast doubts upon the competence of the candidates themselves. The fact that they had to be backed by a minister created the impression that they were not credible of standing against the incumbents on their own merit. Goh's bold statements that his own reputation was on the line hardly helped; his insistence that Potong Pasir MP Chiam See Tong did not have sufficient funds to upgrade the lifts in his estate, and the subsequent aspersions which he cast on Chiam's integrity, probably served to swing votes in Chiam's favour. Chiam is regarded as an honest, hardworking MP, and it is definitely plausible that Goh's strong-handed attacks resulted in more sympathy votes for the 71 year old Chiam.

4. THE CONTROLLED MEDIA AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE INTERNET

There is no doubt that Singaporeans are increasingly becoming more sophisticated. Almost every Singaporean would have been aware that the mainstream media is absurdly biased towards the PAP. The media steadfastly refused to grant the Opposition candidates the exposure that they sought, while they gave extensive coverage to the PAP ministers. Interestingly, no mention was made as to the massive attendance at Opposition rallies. There have been documented incidents of extreme frustration at the state controlled media - at one Opposition rally, it was reported that some supporters chanted "Channel U, Kayu!" and "Media Freedom!" at the reporters present. One reporter was said to be so affected by it that he squatted down and covered his face with his hands. There have also been online polls reflecting that "journalism is the most shameful profession in Singapore", behind prostitution, pimping, and illegal moneylending.

This has led to a large number of tech-savvy voters turning to the Internet for information. Although this number is still comparatively small, it is likely to increase in the future. The Government's attempt to regulate Internet discussion has also failed completely. Audio and video clips of Opposition rallies have become freely available, as well as 'field reports' of Opposition rallies which include photographs of the massive crowds. While it may be noted that Internet content is almost all pro-Opposition, it should be considered that this is in order to balance the mainstream media, which is almost entirely pro-PAP.

5. PUBLIC RELATIONS MISTAKES BY THE PAP

The PAP has made a number of telling PR errors. Firstly, there was Lee Hsien Loong's May Day rally speech, in which he mentioned that Singaporeans ought to be retiring later. He mentioned the example of one 80-year old woman who was still earning a meagre income by working at a hawker centre. His health minister, Khaw Boon Wan, then said that retirement villages for the elderly should be built in Batam, Bintan and Johor - because costs were lower over there. This created the impression of an extremely uncaring Government, lacking in compassion and out of touch with the ground.

Then came the aforementioned Gomez incident - with Goh Chok Tong urging the public to move on, and then being forced to retract his statement one day later upon Wong Kan Seng's publication of his 11-page statement as to why Gomez was a "liar". To some, this was seen as a sign of splitting within the PAP ranks. In addition to this, comments made by other PAP candidates, notably Irene Ng and Lee Yi Shyan, that the opposition were 'troublemakers' and 'donkeys' respectively, were seen as arrogant and patronising. Lastly, Lee Hsien Loong's speech at Raffles Place, that he would have to 'fix the opposition' and 'buy his supporters votes' was quite a telling PR gaffe; it would have been to his relief that the Straits Times helped to cover this up.

WHAT THE PAP GOVERNMENT NEEDS TO DO NOW:

If the PAP Government wishes to reverse the downward trend in its number of votes, it needs to do the following:

-Show the people that it is not unsympathetic, uncompassionate and out of touch.

-Show the people that it delivers its promises, particularly in relation to the Yishun Hospital (undelivered since the 2001 election), Sembawang Park, and Punggol 21 (undelivered since the 1997 election)

-Dispel the impression that it is arrogant and paternalistic. This may be done by simply having its MPs attend Parliamentary sittings and Meet-the-People sessions diligently.

-Dispel the impression that it is ruthless, by agreeing to lower some costs (such as the cost of medicine) and by agreeing to distribute at least some funds to Hougang and Potong Pasir.


WHAT THE OPPOSITION NEEDS TO DO NOW:

If the Opposition wishes to increase its own popular support and win more seats, it needs to do the following:

-Continue recruiting credible people, including women, members of the Malay community, and professionals from all walks of life. Following the example set by the WP in this election would be a positive step for the other parties. The WP itself needs to continue recruiting more such candidates, which the people will be able to identify with.

-Distance itself from controversies. The SDP in particular needs to clean up its act, and realise that it is out of touch with most Singaporeans. The WP needs to take great care in ensuring that it does not give the PAP further chances to cast aspersions on the integrity of its members.

-Stay the course, and make their presence felt. There has been criticism that the Opposition is seen only during election time. They have to ensure that their presence is felt during non-election periods as well. This means that they will need to make more door-to-door visits, walkabouts, and organise grassroots activities for the constituencies in which they are contesting.

-Show the people that they are not 'quitters', and that defeat will not lower their commitment.